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《华尔街日报》∶陈光诚进美使馆 奥巴马不知情




原题∶陈光诚事件背后的错误和混乱的信号

核心提示∶ 按时间线对陈光诚从走进美国大使馆到走出的重点事件回顾,以美中之间关於陈的谈判和高层战略和经济对话为两条平行主线。

Brian Spegele, Keith Johnson和 Josh Chin 发自北京,Jay Solomon发自华盛顿

原载《华尔街日报》2012年5月5日头版

(本文由《译者》网的志愿者翻译并校对)

周三下午,中国的盲人法律活动家陈光诚微笑着到达朝阳医院的一排红砖楼房。这起六天前陈进入美国使馆寻求保护引起的外交危机本来应该成gong化解,这位领军人物想要在中国开始新的生活,学习法律。

美国大使骆家辉与陈的妻子和孩子见面,并停留了90分钟,他们是坐着高铁到达北京的。

接着,夜幕落下,一群警察到达医院九层的走廊。他们拿走了前来探访的记者的录像,之后把他们赶进电梯。在6:30pm的时候,医务人员要求其他美国官员离开。他们说探视时间已过。

突然之间,曾经保护过陈先生的人都走了。

这一情况让这位活动家陷入了恐慌,也让曾经成型的协议突然陷入危机,激发了多天来的疑虑和指责,这一幕也让美中关系被阴影笼罩。

大约9pm,陈先生从医院通过电话告诉一位朋友,医院不给他们饭吃。其他人继续打电话,一名朋友力促他放弃这一协议。陈先生告诉来电者他是受胁迫离开使馆的,而且很担心他家人的安全。在10pm的时候他试着给两名使馆官员打电话。没有人接。

根据受访的政府官员、活动家和其他参与谈判的人,陈这出大戏以美中关系已经进入了一个新的成熟阶段的承诺开始。而结束的时候只表明这两个大国之间是如何的疏远和互疑。

周五,双方又快要达成一项新的协议,让陈光诚和他的家人到美国来,可能是在纽约大学学习法律。美方官员说他们有信心这一协议可以解决问题。一些分析家认为这样快速达成一致是中美双边关系有弹性的标志。但是,周三晚上在医院造成的损失已经无可挽回。

美国官员急于想在周三,中美高层会议之前完成谈判,他们似乎错误判断了陈先生脆弱的情感状态。

在陈先生戏剧性地冲进美国使馆之前,他因为莫须有的罪名入狱四年,接着又经受了19个月的软禁,据他说期间他曾遭受殴打。

这些天充斥着未接的电话,有些联系中断,而这些本来都有可能改变事件进展的轨迹。

也有可能,美国在和中国外交部谈判的时候忽视了中国内部正在进行权力角逐的中央。外交部的影响力有限,分析家们说陈的命运几乎可以肯定是有党内最高领导决定的。陈很担心他的命运被捏在中国的安全部门和省级官员手中。

这一边,美国官员则觉得陈先生把矛头转向了他们。在长达多个小时的谈判后,一人称他”以自我为中心”。一名和他交谈过的高级政府官员说,美国大使骆家辉则抱怨他改了主意。他说∶骆家辉先生”觉得他对美国的指责不公平”。

陈先生因为在他的家乡批评在执行”一胎化”政策中的野蛮堕胎和结扎而在活动家的圈子里逐渐引人瞩目。他的活动让地方官员被解职,他与当地政府也形成对立。

根据涉足其中的活动家和一名美国的消息人士的说法,4月22日,他翻过至少八道墙,在晚上逃离软禁。接着花了20个小时穿过地方当局的管辖区,与另一名活动家见面,她把他开车从山东送到了北京。

然后,他每晚都在不同的庇护所睡觉,最后联系到了美国使馆。他们和美方人员约好地方,然后在4月26日被护送进了了大使馆。

不过,尽管已经成了公开的秘密,美国对他的下落仍保持沉默;活动家们说他在”北京最安全的地方”,这暗指就是美国使馆。

一位高级国务院官员说陈先生所受的伤是让他入内的主要原因。各方都知道这一举动将引起外交摩擦。一名美国政府官员说,这一决定由”国务院最高层”作出。他说美国驻华代表定期与白宫保持接触。

一名高级政府官员说,国务院向白宫的国家安全部做了简报,不过在陈光诚被带进美国使馆之前,奥巴马总统并不知情。

中国方面的谈判由外交部副部长崔天凯带队,他英语流利,在华盛顿声誉不错。他在外媒面前的穿着合体,无懈可击,应对自如。

美国助理国务卿坎贝尔之前是一名海军军官,也曾是一名学者,他希望能加强美国和在亚洲的非中国盟友的关系,但是对他在北京的同级别官员,他称他们为他的”中国朋友们”。

笼罩在这些谈判上空的是美中战略与经济对话,这是年度的系列会谈,周四开始。美方官员对可能的僵局会妨碍会谈感到紧张。

由美国大使带领的美方官员与陈光诚谈了几个小时的话,以确认他的愿望。骆家辉说他每天和他平均谈话三个小时。美国官员们讲了他们的个人经历,陈光诚则谈到了其他的著名活动人士,包括缅甸民主的标志性人物昂山素季。他的结论是要在国外继续抗争是困难的。

美国官员说陈先生告诉他们他想和家人团聚,搬到中国一处安全的地方,学习法律,并要让中国政府调查他所受的不公待遇。

周一,陈先生和孔杰荣教授通话,后者是一名长期的人权倡导者,也是纽约大学的美国亚洲法律研究所的联合主任。陈先生告诉他离开使馆看来有危险。孔教授说∶”我告诉他那麽就留在那儿,因为过一段时间他会想出办法。”

第二天,孔教授又打了过来,他们讨论了留在中国的利弊。孔教授为他在纽约大学提供了一个位置。

当克林顿国务卿准备参加战略和经济对话是,中国政府”给了我们一个回应。”骆家辉这麽说。这也许是指让陈光诚离开使馆,而他的家人还在山东。

陈先生说不。使馆官员开始为陈先生准备住所,一旦需要,陈先生可以在使馆内安顿下来。

接着,那天晚上,如果中国政府把他的家人带到北京,这是一种诚意的表现。他的请求被同意了。美国官员们说,计划是让陈先生有机会和他的妻子讲话,”让他能做出最后决定是否离开美国的保护。”

周三,陈先生要求和新泽西的共和党的国会代表Chris Smith通话,还有加州的民主党的Nancy Pelosi通话。Smith先生认为这一准备达成的协议太糟糕了,并想告诉陈先生还是到美国来。

他给国务院的总机打了电话,但是没有打通。他一直等电话等到4am。等到一名国务院官员打回来的时候,陈先生已经离开了使馆。

Smith先生没能告诉陈的讯息如下∶”在国外你可以做得更多。”一名发言人说,佩洛西的办公室没有接到任何留言。

那时,陈先生的妻子和孩子们都在医院。她和她的丈夫通了两次电话。骆家辉说她”恳求”陈先生离开使馆,到医院来团聚。

大使和国务院的官员们簇拥着陈,他喜欢在讲话的时候握住对方的手。他们问他你是否想这麽做——你是否想离开使馆?

骆家辉说∶”我们等了几分钟。他突然跳起来,非常兴奋,非常激动地说,’走’。”其他的美国官员也证实了这一说法。这是周三下午的2pm,差不多是陈先生进入使馆的六天后。

他们准备上面包车的时候,骆家辉又问他∶”你是否想这麽做?你准备离开了吗?”陈说是的。

他们到了面包车里之后,美国官员们意识到他们没有带手机。因为使馆里有安检措施(不允许带手机)。他们借了一名职员的手机,打电话给克林顿国务卿。陈先说用中文说他很感谢她的支持,接着,他以不流利的英文对她说∶”我想亲吻(kiss)你。”

美国官员说那是动人的一刻。但陈先生立刻就后悔了。为了掩饰,他对别人说他说的是”见(see)她”。

克林顿后来发表了一项声明,说她很高兴”我们能按照陈光诚的选择和我们的价值观协助他在美国使馆停留并离开。”精疲力尽的美国官员们几乎一周都没怎麽合眼,他们认为这一协议是一项外交胜利。

这时这些被仔细提出的计划开始走样。美国方面没有做出任何安排,让使馆人员在医院陪他。晚上,官员们和陈通了两次电话。接着他开始接到从朋友们和其他活动家打来的电话。

人权律师和陈的密友滕彪建议他重新考虑。周三晚上9pm,陈告诉滕彪∶”他们的报复可能已经开始了,他们还没有给我们送晚饭。”这是滕彪帖在他的博客上的通话记录。”孩子们饿得直哭。”滕彪告诉陈的妻子袁伟静,”一旦美国人离开,你们就处于危险之中。”

倡导基督教人权组织”对华援助协会”的傅希秋是陈最坚定的支持者之一,他在德州的米德兰家中得到了关于协议的新消息。他接到了著名的中国活动人士曾金燕的一封邮件。

她还和陈光诚通了电话,发现他越来越焦虑。傅先生说他”处于绝望的状态。”曾利用她的推特账号传递了同样的信息,断言陈光诚离开使馆时因为对他妻子的威胁。美国方面否则曾经传递过这样的威胁信息。陈先生告诉若干新闻社现在他想离开中国。

美方官员数小时后否认这些报道。北京时间午夜过后,国务院发表声明否认如滚雪球一般增加的指责。

陈先生改变主意让美国外交看来过于天真。有批评认为美方官员是把他吓走的,这样就不会危害到经济对话。罗姆尼(译注∶共和党的总统参选人,奥巴马的大选竞争对手)说”如果这些报道是真的话┅┅这是当局的耻辱日。”

周四,美方官员匆忙出来为他们的行动辩解。不过有一个让事情变得更复杂的因素∶美方无法如愿见到陈。而是在早上在医院的外面见到了他的妻子。

同时,经济和战略高峰会如期召开。在华丽的钓鱼台百花厅,克林顿国务卿致了开幕词,其中有一小段涉及人权的话。这儿曾是中国帝王钓鱼的地方,也是1972年美中重新开启对话之地。

周四下午5:30,国务院承认陈先生改主意了。美方官员在周四晚上试图电话连线陈,但是又不成gong。

其他的人看来运气要好一些。在后来看来是一通关键的电话中,陈先生在接近午夜的的时候和郭玉闪通上了话,这位学者在最初曾帮助他逃离。这一谈话大大改变了前一天他焦虑的说法。郭玉闪在网络上贴出一份声明,其中包括”对相关方,包括美国大使馆造成的压力”表示歉意。

郭玉闪写道∶”他想去美国旅行一段时间再回国。因此,这不是改变主意。”

几个小时后,陈先生在美国国会有机会发言了。这是华盛顿的下午,傅先生在一个由Smith议员召集的国会听证会上讨论了这些喧嚣,给陈打了电话,并将电话放到了扩音器上。

在中间休息的时候,Smith和傅讨论是否打这个电话。Smith先生说他”花了几分钟思考∶这是会帮助他还是伤害他。我认为这会让他得到更多保护。”

通过直播,陈先生提出了他和郭玉闪讨论后的想法。但是对于其他人来说这是新闻∶他想和家人一起暂时离开中国一阵,在美国的大学休息,可能还会学习一段时间。

周五,高峰会还如期进行。克林顿与中国高官们参加一系列会议,还冲出北京参加另一场旨在加强美国和中国人民联系的另一场活动。

不过,还是没有容易的解决方法。周五下午,美方官员还是不能在医院和陈直接见面。

突然,中国外交部在网站上贴出了一份简短的声明。其中说,按照有关规定,陈先生可以和其他的中国学生一样申请出国留学。这和之前的语气非常不同,看来中国打算接受陈先生的中间方案。

纽约大学的孔杰荣教授说∶”当我看到这个的时候,我的眼睛睁大了,因为这是可以走出危机的方式。”他说这对双方政府来说是一个”令人激动的、低调的、有面子的”解决方式。

数小时后,克林顿、盖特纳和两位中方官员——副总理王岐山和国务委员戴秉国——登上讲台结束两天的会谈。

克林顿感谢了东道主,回顾了所取得的成绩,接着谈到了美中双方的分歧之处。她说∶”当然,美国会继续提出人权问题,因为我们相信这是每个国家都要捍卫的。”她补充说∶”我们会视情况提出具体的个案。”

原载∶《译者》网∶http://yyyyiiii.blogspot.com/2012/05/blog-post_07.html

以下是英文原文∶

Mistakes and Mixed Signals As China Drama Unfolded

By BRIAN SPEGELE, KEITH JOHNSON and JOSH CHIN in Beijing and JAY SOLOMON in Washington

The Wall Street Journal,May 5, 2012

Chen Guangcheng, the blind Chinese legal activist, arrived smiling at Chaoyang Hospital, a sprawling redbrick complex, on Wednesday afternoon. It was supposed to be a triumphant resolution to the diplomatic crisis that started six days earlier when Mr. Chen sought protection in the U.S. embassy, a precursor to a new life studying law in China.

U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke stayed for 90 minutes and met with Mr. Chen’s wife and children, who had sped to Beijing on a high-speed train.

Then, as darkness fell, a growing number of police arrived at the ninth-floor corridor. They took video of visiting journalists before jostling them into elevators. At 6:30 p.m., hospital staff asked the remaining U.S. officials to leave. They said visiting hours were over.

Suddenly, the people who had protected Mr. Chen were gone.

That development helped send the activist into a panic, precipitating a crisis that derailed the agreement, prompted days of confusion and recrimination, and cast a pall over U.S.-Chinese relations.

Around 9 p.m., Mr. Chen told a friend by phone the hospital had given the family nothing to eat. Others phoned and one friend urged him to reject the deal. Mr. Chen told callers he had been coerced to leave the embassy and was worried for his family’s safety. He tried calling two embassy officials around 10 p.m. Neither answered.

Friday, both sides appeared close to a fresh deal that would bring Mr. Chen and his family to the U.S., probably to study law at New York University. With final details not yet signed, U.S. officials said they were confident the deal would work out. Some analysts saw the quick agreement as a sign the bilateral relationship was resilient. The damage, however, especially from that Wednesday night at the hospital, had already been done.

U.S. officials, in their rush to complete negotiations Wednesday before a separate set of high-level U.S.-China talks was set to begin, appeared to have misjudged Mr. Chen’s fragile emotional condition.

The self-taught activist had spent four years in jail—on trumped-up charges, critics say—and 19 more months in home detention, where he says he endured periodic beatings, before his dramatic dash to the embassy.

The days were filled with missed calls and dropped connections that might have changed the trajectory of events.

This week, Mr. Chen with State Department official Kurt Campbell and, between them in rear, U.S. Ambassador to China Gary Locke.

It’s also possible the U.S., in negotiating with China’s foreign ministry, overlooked the country’s competing power centers jockeying for position. The foreign ministry has traditionally carried little clout in the Chinese power structure, and analysts say the fate of Mr. Chen was almost certainly decided by top Communist Party leaders. Mr. Chen seemed worried mostly about his fate at the hands of China’s security services and provincial officials.

U.S. officials, for their part, felt Mr. Chen turned on them after hours of negotiations, one calling him "self absorbed." Mr. Locke, the U.S. ambassador, complained about the activist’s change of heart, according to a senior administration official who spoke with him. Mr. Locke "feels like the guy is unfairly attacking the U.S.," the official said.

Mr. Chen rose to prominence in activist circles as a critic of forced abortions and sterilizations in his home province under China’s one-child policy. His campaign led to the firing of local officials and brought about his run-in with authorities.

He slipped away from home detention the night of April 22, scaling at least eight walls, according to activists involved and a U.S. account, injuring a foot in the process. It took him 20 hours to move through his local area before he could meet up with a fellow activist who drove him from Shandong province to Beijing.

Once there, they moved from safe house to safe house before contacting the U.S. embassy. They rendezvoused with U.S. personnel, who escorted him into the embassy on April 26.

The U.S. was silent on his whereabouts, although it was an open secret; activists said they were told he was in the "safest place in Beijing," code for the embassy.

A senior State Department official said Mr. Chen’s injury was the main impetus for granting him admission, a move all parties knew would spark a diplomatic furor. The decision involved "the highest levels of the State Department," one senior U.S. administration official said. He said the U.S. delegation in Beijing was in regular contact with the White House.

The White House’s National Security Council was briefed on the situation by the State Department, but President Barack Obama wasn’t told before Mr. Chen was brought into the embassy, a senior administration official said.

The Chinese side in the negotiations was led by Cui Tiankai, a vice minister of foreign affairs. Mr. Cui, fluent in English, is well regarded in Washington. Urbane and impeccably dressed, he is at ease with the foreign media.

Kurt Campbell, an Assistant Secretary of State, took the helm for the U.S. A former naval officer and academic, he has sought to strengthen the U.S.’s non-Chinese alliances in Asia but refers to his counterparts in Beijing as his "Chinese friends."

Overhanging the talks was the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, an annual series of talks, which was to begin Thursday. U.S. officials were nervous any impasse could derail the meeting.

A battery of U.S. officials, led by the ambassador, spent hours talking with Mr. Chen to determine what he wanted. Mr. Locke said he spoke to him for an average of three hours a day. U.S. officials shared their personal experiences, and Mr. Chen talked about other famous activists, including Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. He concluded that carrying on his fight outside China would be difficult.

U.S. officials said Mr. Chen told them he wanted to reunite with his family, relocate to a safe place somewhere else in China, study law and have the Chinese government investigate his allegations of mistreatment.

On Monday, Mr. Chen spoke with Jerome Cohen, co-director of New York University’s U.S.-Asia Law Institute, a longtime human rights advocate. Mr. Chen told him it appeared risky to leave the embassy. "I told him just to hang in there because over time he could work something," Mr. Cohen said.

Mr. Chen rode in a car with Mr. Locke en route from the U.S. embassy in Beijing to a hospital on Wednesday.

The next day, Mr. Cohen recalled, they talked about the pros and cons of staying in China. Mr. Cohen offered him a spot at NYU.

With Secretary of State Hillary Clinton en route for the strategic and economic talks, the Chinese government "gave us a response," Mr. Locke said. It would have meant Mr. Chen leaving the embassy while his family was still in his home province.

Mr. Chen said no. Embassy officials started working on the logistics of housing for Mr. Chen inside the embassy if necessary.

Then, later that night, he asked that his family be brought to Beijing as a signal of good faith by the Chinese government, which agreed. The plan was to give Mr. Chen a chance to speak with his wife and "enable him to make a very final decision" about leaving U.S. protection, American officials say.

Mr. Chen was reunited with his wife and children at the hospital. An initial plan for Mr. Chen to stay in China fell through but the sides negotiated a new plan under which the family would come temporarily to the U.S.

On Wednesday, Mr. Chen asked to speak with Rep. Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican, and Democratic Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California. Mr. Smith thought the emerging deal was a terrible idea, and wanted to tell Mr. Chen to instead come to the U.S.
He called the State Department operations center but couldn’t get through. He stayed up until 4 a.m. waiting for a call. By the time a department official called back, Mr. Chen had left the embassy.

Mr. Smith’s never-delivered message: "You could do even more outside [the country]." Ms. Pelosi’s office didn’t receive any message, a spokesman said.

By this time, Mr. Chen’s wife and children were at the hospital. Twice she spoke with her husband. Mr. Locke said she "implored" Mr. Chen to leave the embassy and join the family at the hospital.

The ambassador and State Department officials huddled around Mr. Chen, who likes to hold people’s hands while talking to them. They asked him what he wanted to do—did he want to leave?

"We waited several minutes. And then he suddenly jumped up, very excited, very eager, and said, ’Let’s go,’ " Mr. Locke said, an account echoed by other U.S. officials. It was after 2 p.m. on Wednesday, almost six days since Mr. Chen came to the embassy.
Before they got in the van, Mr. Locke asked him again, "Is this what you want to do? Are you ready to leave?" Mr. Chen said yes.

Once in the van, U.S. officials realized they didn’t have their cellphones, because they had been in the secure part of the embassy. Borrowing a staffer’s phone, they called Mrs. Clinton. Mr. Chen said in Chinese how grateful he was for her support. Then, in broken English, he told her he "wanted to kiss her."

U.S. officials described it as a touching moment, but Mr. Chen immediately regretted the remark. To cover his tracks, he later told people he had just said he wanted to "see" her.
Mrs. Clinton released a statement saying she was pleased "we were able to facilitate Chen Guangcheng’s stay and departure from the U.S. embassy in a way that reflected his choices and our values." Exhausted U.S. officials, who had barely slept for a week, described the arrangement as a triumph of diplomacy.

That’s when the carefully laid plans went awry. The U.S. had made no arrangements for embassy personnel to spend the night at the hospital. Officials spoke with Mr. Chen by phone two more times that evening. Then he started getting calls from friends and fellow activists.

Teng Biao, a human-rights lawyer and Chen confidant, advised him to reconsider. "Their revenge may have already started: They still haven’t given us dinner," Mr. Chen told Mr. Teng in a call at 9 p.m. Wednesday, according to a transcript posted on Mr. Teng’s personal blog. "The children are crying from hunger." Mr. Teng said he told Mr. Chen’s wife, Yuan Weijing: "As soon as the Americans are gone, you’ll be in danger."

Bob Fu, who runs the Christian advocacy group ChinaAid, one of Mr. Chen’s strongest supporters, was at his home in Midland, Texas, when he got his first indication the deal was unraveling. He received a concerned email from Zeng Jinyan, a prominent Chinese activist.

She also spoke to Mr. Chen by phone and found him growing increasingly agitated, "in a desperate situation," according to Mr. Fu. She took to her Twitter account to relay the same message, asserting that Mr. Chen had left the embassy only because of threats leveled at this wife. The U.S. denied relaying any threats to him. Mr. Chen told a bevy of news organizations he now wanted to leave the country.

U.S. officials dismissed the reports for hours. After midnight in Beijing, the State Department released a statement denying the snowballing allegations.

Mr. Chen’s change of heart left the U.S. diplomacy looking naive. Critics began to speculate that U.S. officials had scared him into leaving so as not to jeopardize the economic talks. Mitt Romney said that "If the reports are true,┅it’s a day of shame" for the administration.

On Thursday, U.S. officials scrambled to defend their actions. There was one complicating factor: The U.S. didn’t have the access to Mr. Chen it had anticipated. U.S. embassy officials couldn’t see Mr. Chen in person. Instead, they met his wife outside the hospital in the morning.

The economic and strategic summit, meanwhile, kicked off without a hitch. Mrs. Clinton made her opening statement, including a short reference to human rights, in the ornate Hall of Flowers at the Diaoyutai State Guest House—a compound, once a favorite fishing spot of Chinese emperors, that was also the site of the 1972 talks that reopened U.S.-China relations.

By 5.30 Thursday afternoon, the State Department acknowledged Mr. Chen had changed his mind. U.S. officials tried to connect with Mr. Chen by phone Thursday night in the hospital, but again were unsuccessful.

Others had more luck. In what appears to have been a critical phone call, Mr. Chen spoke near midnight to Guo Yushan, a scholar who aided his initial flight. The tone of the conversation was markedly different from the frantic calls of the day earlier. Mr. Guo, in an Internet posting, conveyed a new message from Mr. Chen, including an apology for "the pressure brought to the relevant parties including the U.S. embassy."

Mr. Guo wrote: "He wants to go to the U.S. for travel for a while and then come back. Therefore, this is not a change of mind."

A couple of hours later, Mr. Chen had an open microphone to the U.S. Congress. It was the middle of Washington’s afternoon, and Mr. Fu, testifying at a hearing called by Rep. Smith to discuss the brouhaha, dialed Mr. Chen and held up the phone for all to hear.

Messrs. Smith and Fu discussed the call during a break. Mr. Smith said he "took a minute to think: does this help or hurt him. I figured this would give him further protection."
Broadcast live, Mr. Chen broached the idea that he had discussed with Mr. Guo but that was news to everyone else: temporarily leaving China, with the whole family, to rest and maybe study at a U.S. university.

On Friday, the summit continued as planned. Mrs. Clinton had a whirlwind of meetings with top Chinese officials and dashed across town to another event to tout closer ties between American and Chinese people.

Still, there was no easy way out. By early afternoon on Friday, U.S. embassy officials still hadn’t been able to meet with Mr. Chen face to face in the hospital.

Then, suddenly, the Chinese Foreign Ministry put out a simple statement on its website. Mr. Chen, it said, could apply to study abroad like any Chinese student, as long as he followed procedures. Standing in sharp contrast to the tone used earlier, it seemed China was preparing to meet Mr. Chen in the middle.

"My eyes lit up like a pinball machine when I saw that, because that’s the way out of the crisis," said Mr. Cohen, the NYU professor. He called it an "exciting, low-key, dignified" solution for both governments.

A few hours later, Mrs. Clinton, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and two Chinese officials—Vice Premier Wang Qishan and State Councilor Dai Bingguo—took the stage to close the two-day affair.

Mrs. Clinton thanked her hosts, reviewed some achievements, then spoke of areas where China and the U.S. still disagree. "Of course, the United States continues to raise human rights, because we believe they are essential for every country to uphold," she said. "And we raised specific matters of individuals and situations whenever necessary," she added.

原载∶http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304020104577384253042010624.html

2012-05-07

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